Untitled treatise on Revelation (Section 1.8)
The first king therefore is to be interpreted of our Saviour a single person: but as he is equivalent to a series of many so the other three Kings must be applyed each to a series of many; for this the great number of Emperors to be distributed among them requires.
The second Seal opened.
The second king is introduced by the second beast which is an Ox situate to the west: & this whilst in the vision it bids Saint Iohn look toward it, informs us that this Seal must begin with Trajan the Spaniard an Emperour out of the west Trajanus, inquit Dion, homo Hispanus nec Italus erat nec Italicus: Ante eum nemo alterius nationis Imperium Romanum obtinuerat. In the former Seal it was in the family of Cæsar, & to the end of this it continued in Trajan's.
To this Horsman it was given to take peace from the earth (i.e. from his neighbours by invading them,) & that they (he & his neighbours, or his own subjects by civil wars) should kill one another. This killing one another you have expressed by the Ox which is a beast appointed to the slaughter, & represents his armies & other people of his kingdom; but yet the great sword which was given is an emblem of his victoriousnes, as the Bow was of the first Rider's.
Now for the victoriousnes of this Rider I need only tell you that after the Empire was almost dissolved by seditions & defections in Nero's reign, & something repaired by Vespasian, & again made to totter by Domitian: Trajan not only setled it but enlarged it exceedingly, conquering wherever he went, & heaping victories upon victories more then ever did any other Emperor since our Saviours days: insomuch that historians reccon the ἀκμὴ of the Empire to have been in his reign. Trajanus saith Sextus Rufus, qui post Augustum Romanæ Reip. movit lacertos, Armeniam recepit a Parthis: sublato Diademate Regi Armeniæ majoris regnum ademit: Albanis regem dedit: Iberos, Bosphorianos, Colchos in fidem Romanæ ditionis accepit: Saracenorum loca, & Arabum occupa vit: Corduenos & Marcomedos obtinuit: Anthemusiam optimam Persidis regionem, Seluciamque & Ctesiphontem ac Babyloniam accepit & tenuit: usque ad Indiæ fines post Alexandrum accessit: Provincias fecit Armeniam Mesopotamiam & Assyriam, & quæ inter Tigridem et Euphratem sita irriguis ammibus instar Ægypti fæcundantur. So Eutropius: Romani Imperij quod post Augustum defensum magis fuerat quam nobiliter ampliatum, Trajanus fines longè latéque diffudit: urbes trans Rhenum in Germania reparavit: Daciam Decibalo victo subegit, Provincia trans Danubium facta in his agris quos nunc Thaiphali tenent & Victophali & Theruingi. Ea Provincia decies centena millia in circuitu tenuit. Armeniam quam occupaverant Parthi recepit, Sarmato Rege occiso qui eam tenebat. Albanis regem dedit. Iberorum regem & Sauromatarum & Bosphoranorum & Arabum & Osdroenorum & Colchorum in fidem accepit. Adiabenos, Marchomedes occupavit; & Anthemusium magnam Persidis regionem, Seleuciam & Ctesiphontem, Babylonem et Edessios vicit ac tenuit: Vsque ad Inde fines & mare rubrum accessit, atque ibi tres Provincias fecit Armeniam Assyriam & Mesopotamiam cum his Gentibus quæ Madenam attingunt. Arabiam postea in Provinciæ formam redegit. In mari *[1] rubro classem instituit ut per eam Indiæ fines vastaret. De Indis enim, saith Dion, cogitare cœpit ac de rebus ejus gentis curiosè quærere, tum Alexandrum beatum dicere, nonnunquam tamen asserere se longius progressurum esse: idque scripsit ad Senatum: cùm tamen ea quæ cœperat tueri non posset. Cujus rei causa Senatus præter alia multa decrevit ut triumphos quotquot vellet ageret. Nam cum Trajanus tot gentes a se superatas esse scriberet, Senatus eas neque cognoscere neque nominare satis poterat. Itaque cum alia multa tum arcum triumphalem in foro ipsius ædificari jussit. Parabant cives redeunti longius obviam procedere sed is nunquam in Vrbem reversus est, neque ut extrema principijs responderent efficere potuit, ea enim quæ subjugarat amisit. Dum enim navigat Oceanum atque inde revelitur, ea quæ cœperat omnia tumultu defecerunt, præsidijs quæ apud eas gentes reliquerat dejectis cæsisque. Atque hæc ad Trajanum dum esset in navi præferuntur. — Igitur cognita defectione Lucium & Maximum contra rebelles mittit. Maximus prælio superatus obijt. Lucius præclarè se gessit, recuperavitque Nisibide, Edessam expugnavit dereptamque incendit. Seleucia ab Euricio Claro & Iulio Alexandro capta et incensa est. Trajanus metuens ne Parthi quoque aliquid molirentur, - ijs regem Parthamaspatem designat, eique diadema imponit. Inde profectus in Arabiam adoritur Agarenos qui et ipsi defecerant. &c. His wars with Decibalus you have at large described in the same Dion: the greatnes of which you may learn from this passage in Eutropius: Hadrianum Daciam relinquere conatum amici deterruerunt ne multi cives Romani Barbaris traderentur, propterea quod Trajanus, victa Dacia, ex toto orbe Romano infinitas eo copias transtulerat ad agros et urbes colendas. Dacia enim diuturno bello Decibali fuerat exhausta. Eutrop. l 8.
Thus did this Emperor weild the great sword & take peace from the earth: & at the revolting of the conquered nations they also killed one another. But yet this killing one another was perhaps more notable in broiles between the Iews & his other subjects. Incredibili motu, (saith Orosius,) sub uno tempore Iudæi quasi rabie efferati per universas terrarum partes exarserunt. Nam et per totam Libyam adversas incolas atrocissima bella gesserunt: quæ adeò tunc interfectis cultoribus desolata est, ut nisi postea Hadrianus Imperator collectas illuc aliunde colonias deduxisset vacua penitus abraso habitatore mansisset Ægyptum vero totam et Cyrenem & Thebaida crucutis seditionibus turbaverunt. (Hac ex Oros.) Salaminem urbem Cypri interfectis omnibus accolis deleverunt. (Oros Euseb.) In Alexandria autem commisso prælio victi et attriti sunt. In Mesopotamia quoque rebellantibus jussi Imperatoris bellû illatum est. Itaque multa millia. Qui circa Cyrenem habitabant, (saith Dion,) Andrea quodam duce, Romanos pariter atque Græcos concîluent, vescuntur eorum carnibus eduntque viscera; tum oblinuntur eorum sanguine, pellibus induuntur. Multos a vertice serris discidere medios, multos objicere Bestijs, multos etiam certare inter se coegerunt; ita ut interierint hominum ducenta viginti millia. Præterea in Ægypto consimilis cædes, facta est. Nec minore clade Cypris affecti fuere: siquidem in ea Insula, Artemione Duce, conspirantes Iudæi circiter ducenta quadraginto capitum millia trucidarunt. Ex quo fit quod Iudæo in Cyprum venire non liceat: etiam si forte vi tempestatis in Insulam appulerit interficitur. Sed in ultra cædes non mansit nam Trajanus misso cum exercitu Lucio, tum accedentibus alijs ducibus, Iudæos qui per universum ferè terrarum Orbem tantum cædis ediderant, profligavit. (Ziphilin & Alexandrinus ex Dione) Iudeis etiam Mesopotamiæ rebellantibus: præcepit Imp: Trajanus Lysiæ Quieto ut eos provincia exterminaret. Adversum quos Quietus aciem instruens infinita millia eorum interfecit (Euseb). [Oros. Euseb.] In Alexandria autem commisso prælio victi et attriti sunt. [Oros.] Tandem et ab alijs & maximè a Lysio quem Trajanus miserat, subacti sunt. In Mesopotamia quoque rebellantibus, jussu Imperatoris bellum illatum est. [Oros. Euseb.] Atque ita multa millia eorum vastâ cæde delecta sunt.
This was in Trajan's time: but that which followed under Hadrian by the rebellion of Barchocheb was more notable. Cum Hadrianus, saith Dion, in urbem Hierosolymam coloniam deduxisset, ac quo loco Dei Templum fuerat, alterum Iovi Capitolino ædificari curavisset; magnum et diuturnum bellum inde moveri cæptum, totam Iudæam commoveri, Iudæos omnes ubique gentium tumultuari, multa damna occultè apertequé Romanis inferre, cumque ijs complures alias gentes lucri cupiditate conjungi, atque ea de re omnem ferè orbem terrarum commotum esse. - Hos Hadrianus optimis quibusque ducibus adversus eos missis, sed (multitudine eorum & desperatione cognita) non nisi singulatim eos adoriri ausis, serò tandem oppressit fregitque; cæsis in excursionibus prælijsque non minùs quingentis et octoginta millibus. Eorum autem qui fame morbo & igne interiêre tanta fuit multitudo ut numerus indagari non potuit. Tot ex Romanis quoque in eo bello periêre, ut Hadrianus, cùm scriberet ad Senatum, non est usus illo exordio quo uti Imperatores consueverant, Si vos liberique vestri valetis bene est, ego quidem et exercitus valemus.
The estimation which the Iews give of their own loss is no less then this; for one saith [2] that Hadrian slew twice as many Iews in this war as came out of Egypt; & another [3]that Hadrian afflicted them more then either Nebuchadnezzar or Titus. And this falling upon God's own people, & being the accomplishment of their so much threatned dispersion into all nations, could deserve no less then to be taken notice of in this Prophesy.
Next after Hadrian reigned Antoninus Pius & Marcus Antoninus, the most illustrious potent & victorious Emperors of all those that followed till the reign of Constantine. The Emperor Marcus, together with Iulius Cæsar, Octavius, Trajan, & Constantine were by the Empeor Iulian chosen out as the five gallantest among the Roman Emperors to compare with Alexander the great in a Dialogue intitled Cæsares, where all these are introduced pleading with one another the greatnes of their actions. Iulius Octavius, & Trajan he calls πολεμικωτέρους bellicosiores, but yet accounts Marcus, considering all things, the completest Hero. And therefore Marcus may deservedly be recconed with Trajan for a wielder of the great sword. Nor does Antoninus Pius fall much short of Marcus, excepting in this, that he performed his wars by Delegates.
Antoninus Pius, saith Iulius Capitolinus, per Legatos suos plurima bella gessit. Nam et Britannos per Lollium Vrbicum Legatum vicit, alio muro cespititio submolis Barbaris ducto: & Mauros ad pacem postulandam coegit: et Germanos et Dacos et multas Gentes, atque Iudæos rebellantes contudit per Præsides et Legatos. In Achaia etiam et Ægypto rebelliones repressit. Alanos molientes sæpe refrenavit. refrenavit. - Provinciæ sub eo cunctæ floruerunt. - Pharasmanes Rex ad eum Romam venit, plusque illi quam Hadriano detulit. Pacorum regem Ladijs dedit. Parthorum regem ab Armeniorum expugnatione solis literis repulit. Abgarum regem ex Orientis partibus sola autoritate deduxit. Causas regales terminavit. Sellam regiam Parthorum regi repetenti, quam Trajanus cœperat pernegavit. Rimethalcen in regnum Bosphoranum, audito inter ipsum et Curatorem negotio, remisit. Olbiopolitis contra Tauroschythas in Pontum auxilia misit: & Tauroschythas usque ad dandos Olbiopolitis obsides vicit. Tantum sane autoritatis apud exteras gentes nemo habuit. — Tantum sane autoritatis apud exteras gentes nemo habuit.
Imperator Marcus Antoninus multis adversum se nascentibus bellis sæpe ipse intererat, sæpe Duces nobilissimos destinabat [Euseb. Chron.] Contra Germanos (Cattos scil. in Germania et Rhætia) res feliciter gessit. Speciale ipse bellum Marcomannicum, sed quantum nulla unquam memoria fuit, tum virtute tum etiam felicitate transegit. — Marcomannos in ipso transitu Danubij delevit & prædam provincialibus reddidit. Gentes omnes ab Illyrici limite usque Galliam conspiraverant, ut Marcomanni, Narisci, Hermunduri, & Quadi, Suevi, Sarmatæ, Latringes, & Buri: hi alijque cum Victovalis Sosibes, Sicobotes, Rhoxolani, Bastarnæ, Alani, Peucini, Costoboci. Imminebat et Parthicum bellum & Britannicum. Magno igitur labore etiam suo gentes asperrimas vicit. — Voluit Marcomanniam Provinciam, voluit etiam Sarmatiam facere et fecisset nisi Avidius Cassius rebellasset in Oriente. — Relicto ergo Sarmatico Marcomanni eoque bello, contra Casssium profectus est. — Deinde ad conficiendum bellum conversus est. — Triennio bellum postea cum Marcomannis Hermunduris Sarmatis Quadis etiam egit: et si anno uno superasset Provincias ex his fecisset. — Duces autem confecerunt Parthicum bellum Statius Priscus & Avidius Cassius & Martius Verus per quadrennium ita ut Babylonem et Mediam pervenirent & Armeniam vendicarent. Iul. Capitolinus in vitis Marci et Veri. The remainder of the Marcomannic war was prosecuted & successfully finished by the delegates of the next Emperor Commodus who ends this seal, being the last of Trajan's family
The third Seal opened.
The third king is introduced by the third Beast which is like a Man & situate to the South. And this directing us to look that way points out Septimius Severus an Emperor from that quarter, of whom Eutropius saith: [4]Oriundus ex Africâ, provinciâ Tripolitanâ, oppido Lepti, solus omni memoria et antea et post ex Africa Imperator. Yet the Empire continued in his family during this seale, the year's reign of Macrinus excepted. For his successsors were Antoninus Caracalla his son, Heliogabalus his Son's son & Alexander his near Kinsman.
Now this King is described rigourously just. ffor the Ballance signifies Iustice by Fig & the blacknes of his hors may denote the severity thereof: which agrees well with the humane shape of the Beast, as being the fountain & chief of moral virtues wherein humanity consists. And how this was fulfilled by Severus & Alexander another Emperor soon after succeeding him, you may perceive by the following sentences gathered out of Aurelius & Lampridius & here joyned together.
Severo, saith Aurelius, præclarior in republica fuit nemo, legum conditore longè æquibilium. Implacabilis delictis, strenuum quemque præmijs extollebat. Nulli in dominatu suo permisit honores venundari. Ne parva quidem latrocinia impunita patiebatur, in suos animadvertens magis, quod vitio ducum aut etiam Præfectorem fieri vix experiens intelligeret. So Spartian calls him implacabilem delictis & latronum ubique hostem. And by all this you may perceive he was a Prince every way suitable to his Standart: but yet as to Iustice he is outdone by Alexander, who from his wonderfull stricktness therein acquired also the name of Severus. Id, saith Lanpridius, leges de jure populi et fisci moderatas et infinitas sanxit, neque ullam constitutionem sacravit sine viginti Iurisperitis. Severissimus Iudex contra fures, appellans eosdem quotidianorum scelerum reos, et damnans acerrimè; ac solos hostes inimicosque Reipublicæ vocans, jussit (de judicibus furibus, ni fallor, loquitur) in civitatibus nunquam videri & si essent visi deportari per Rectores Provinciarum. Referebat Eucolpius, pergit, (quo ille familiarissimè usus est, illum si unquam furem judicem vidisset, paratum habuisse digitum ut illi oculum erueret. Addit Septimius qui vitam ejus non mediocriter executus est, tanti stomachi fuisse Alexandrum in eos Iudices qui furorum fama laborassent, etiamsi dam nati non essent, ut si eos casu aliquo videret commotione animi stomachi choleram evomeret, toto vultu exerdescente, ut nihil possit loqui. Iussit imò per Præcanem edici ut nemo salutaret Principem qui se furem esse nosset, ne aliquando detectus capitali supplicio subderetur. Siquis militum de via in alicujus possessionem deflexisset, pro qualitate loci aut fustibus subjiciebatur in conspectu ejus, aut virgis, aut condemnationi; aut, si hæc omnia transiret dignitas hominis, gravissimis contumelijs; cùm diceret: Visne in agro tuo fiere quod alteri facis? Clamabatque sæpius, quod a quibusdam sive Iudæis sive Christianis audierat et tenebat, idque per Præconem, cum aliquem emendaret, dici jubebat: Quod tibi fieri non vis alteri ne feceris. Quam sententiam usque adeo dilexit ut et in Palatio et in publicis operibus præscribi jubevat. Hæc mandata, saith Carion Tribunis militum dedit: Si vis Tribunus esse, imò si vivere vis, manus militum contine: Nemo segetes afferat, nemo salem Oleum, ligna auferat: nemo ovem alterius rapiat: annona sua miles contentus sit, ex præda hostium non ex lachrymis provincialibus habeat. Such an unparalleld instance of Iustice as this is, & that in a Heathen, it's no wonder the Holy Ghost in this Seal should have respect unto.
But besides their justice the ffrugality of these two Emperors joyned with bounty was very remarkable. Frumenti summam, saith Herodian of Severus, primus adauxit. Rei frumentariæ, saith Spartian, quam minimam repererat, ita consuluit ut excedens vitâ septem annorum Canonem populo Romano relinqueret, ita ut quotidiana septuagena quinque millia modiorum expendi possent. Populo Romano diurnum oleum gratuitum primus donavit: ejus vero tantum reliquit ut per quinquennium non solum urbis usibus, sed et totius Italiæ, quæ oleo egeret; suficerit. And of Alexander Lampridius saith: Commeatum populi Romani sic adjuvit, ut cùm frumenta Heliogabalus evertisset, vicem de prpria pecunia loco suo reponeret. — Oleum quoque quod Severus populo dederat, quodque Heliogabalus imminuerat integrum restituit, addidit et Oleum luminibus Thermarum. And this affords a further & perhaps a more perfect exposition of the voice saying: A measure of wheat for a peny & three measures of barley for a peny; & see thou hurt not the oyle & the wine: the first part of which expresses the selling of corn to the people out of the Emperor's store-houses, & the last part an injunction not to misspend what he gave them freely.
Some have thought that this Seal is to be interpreted of a famin: but besides what was said of the signification of a Ballance in Fig I see not what agreement there can be between a famin & the human shape of the third Beast which is the ensign of this King: nor how it expresses a famin either to rate corn by the peny, or to measure it out for that price by the Chænix; a measure which may be large enough, a[5] the ordinary Chænixes conteining the sustenence of a man for a day, & a military Chænix being put by the 70 for the Bath, a very large measure of the Hebrews. Nor lastly is it so likely that one of the qualities of the fourth Seale should be made the principal subject of this, seing the designe of these seales is to describe & distinguish successive times by incommunicable characters.
The fourth Seale opened.
The Præco to the fourth seale is the fourth Beast situate to the north: & this directs us now the family of Severus is run out to look that way & begin this Seale with Alexander's successor Maximinus an Emperor from that quarter. Of him Iulius Capitolinus saith: Maximinus de vico Thraciæ, vicino Barbaris, Barbaro etiam patre et matre genitus.
<10r>Now this king is accompanied with a fourfold desolation: the sword, hunger, death, & wild beasts; that is slaughter, famin, pestilence, & invasion. For the Greeks use δάνατος death for the pestilence; & the rapine of wild beasts is an emblem of invasion & captivity, as you may see in Fig. in the notes upon Ier. 15.2, 3, where the very same quaternary of calamities is threatned to the Iews. Compare the places for they plainly illustrate one another. This is therefore the combination of calamities: & they are further represented by the eagle a bird of prey feeding upon carcasses; & notably aggravated by the name of this King, Death; & by the colour of his hors, a pale one; & by his ghastly attendant, Hell. Nor is the event inferior to the Prophesy.
Of the sword.
Of the first of these calamities you may make estimation by the civil wars & slaughter of the great ones, for betwen Maximinus & Dioclesian (that is within the compas of 48 years) of about a[6]thirty legitimate Emperors & Cæsars (beside eight or nine tyrannical ones who perished all by the sword) there died only Licinian & Claudius by the pestilence, & Marcus either by the pestilence or some other distemper, & Carus by lightning, & three more were slain by the public enemy, & all the rest fell by the sword of their own soldiers or of one another or by their own hands out of desperation. And besides all these within the reign of Gallienus alone, who was one of the 30, there were no less then 29 or 30 others proclaimed Emperors by the soldiers in divers parts of the Empire; all which fell by the sword, excepting 3 or 4 who had their lives given them by the mercy of their conquerors. These were the principal Tyrants some of which might vie with the Emperor himself for greatness, but you shall presently hear their number made up to six hundred. And to make these times yet more bloody, the Emperor himself Gallienus was one of the most cruel beasts that ever lived. Pollio in lib. de 30 Tyrannis, saith of him: Occiso Ingenuo qui a Mœsiacis Legionibus Imperator est dictus, in omnes Mœsiacos tam milites quàm cives asperrimè sævijt, nec quenquam suæ crudelitatis exortem reliquit: usque adeo asper et truculentus ut plerasque civitates vacuas a virili sexu relinqueret. Extat sanè epistola Gallieni, pergit, quam ad Celerem Verianum scripsit, qua ejus nimietas crudelitatis ostenditur. Gallienus Veriano: Non mihi satisfacies si tantùm armatos occideris quos et fors belli interimere potuisset. Perimendus est omnis sexus virilis, si et senes atque impuberes sine reprehensione nostra occîdi possint. Occidendus est quicunque malè voluit. Occidendus est quicunque malè dixit. contra me, contra Valeriani filium, contra tot Principum patrem et fratrem Ingenuus factus est Imperator. Lacera, occîde, concîde: animum meum intelligere potes, mea mente irascere qui hæc manu mea scripsi. Also in the life of Gallienus he says: Scythi in Cappadociam pervadentibus, milites iterum de novo Imperatore faciendo cogitaverant, quos omnes Gallienus more suo occîdit. And at the end he adds: ffuit nimiæ crudelitatis in milites: nam et terna millia & quaterna militum singulis diebus occîdit. And in another place: Ne quid mali deesset Gallieni temporibus, Byzantinorum civitas, clara navalibus bellis, & claustrum Ponticum per Gallieni milites ita omnis vastata est ut prorsus nemo superesset. Quorum cladi ulciscendæ, Gallienus vicissim Byzantio receptus, omnes milites inermes armatorum corona circundatos, interemit, fracto fœdere quod promiserat. This was the cruelty of this Emperor & his soldiers, & yet he seems to fall short of Maximinus the Emperor which began this seal, who was such a Butcher, ut illum, saith Iulius Capitolinus, alij Cyclopem, alij Busiridem, alij Scyronem, nonnulli Phalarim, multi Typhonem vel Gygem nominarent. Senatus eum tantum timuit ut vota in Templis publicè prvatimque, mulieres etiam cum suis liberis, facerent, ne ille unquam urbem Romam videret. Audiebant enim alios in crucem sublatos, alios animalibus nuper occisis inclusos, alios feris objectos, alios fustibus elisos; atque omnia hæc sine delictu dignitatis. - Ignobilitatis tegendæ causa omnes conscios generis sui interemit; nonnullos etiam amicos qui ei sæpe misericordiæ et pietatis causa pleraque donaverant; neque enim fuit crudelius animal in terris, &c.
By the cruelty of these Emperors, & of some others perhaps not much inferior to these; but chiefly by the unparallel'd raging of the civil wars which must necessarily have been between so many Tyrants & Emperors, & those almost all slaughtered; you may now guess what havock the sword made among the soldiers & people.
Of the wild Beasts.
Hitherto you have heard only of intestine slaughters which I suppose was the meaning of the first calamity. But the invasion & tearing of the Empire by wild Beasts, that is by forreign armies, is a calamity still more notable. The first memorable attempt of the Northern Barbarous nations on the Empire was in Marcus's reign, of which you heard above. Being then stoutly repulsed they rested pretty quiet till now, but now made a second attempt & overran all: the Scythians breaking in first in the reign of Philip the successor of Maximinus, & others soon imitating them; whereby the Empire for 30 years together was torn with unexpressible violence. The greatest heat of these invasions was in the reign of Gallienus. Gallieno, saith Eusebius, [7] in omnem lasciviam dissoluto, Germani Ravennam usque venerunt; Alemanni vastatis Gallijs in Italiam transiêre; Græcia, Macedonia, Pontus, Asiæ depopulatæ per Gothos; Quadi & Sarmatæ Pannonias occupaverunt; Germanis b[8] Hispanias obtinentibus Tarracon expugnata est; Parthi Mesopotamiam tenentes Syriam incursaverunt.
tans were Barchiaruc (or Belchiaroc,) Muhammed, Mahmud, David, Masud, Melechsah, Muhammed, & Solyman Shah in whome the race of the Salghucides at Bagdad ended about the year 1160: & from thence foreward unto the taking of Bagdad by the Tartars, the Chalifa recovered & maintained the supreme temporal power within this Sultany, which hd been interrupted for about 224 years.
2 The Sultany of Mausela or Mosul a city of Mesopotamia seated also upon Tigris about 6 or 7 days journey westward from Bagdad & one or two days journey from one of the streams of Euphrates. Its Sultans were 1 Iagarmish. 2 Zengius fil: who began his reign A.C. 1107. 3 Maudud 1109. 4 Oksenkar (or Assangur) 1121. 5 Ezzodin fil: 1126. 6 Zengius (or Sanguin) frat. 1127. 7 Gaza fil: 1145. 8 Cotboddin frat: 1149. 9 Gazi fil: 1170. 10 Ezzodin frat: 1180. 11 Nuroddin fil: 1193. 12 Ezzoddin fil: 1211. 13 Nuroddin fil: 1218. 13 Nuroddin fil: 1218. 14 Naseroddin frat: 1218. 15 Badroddin 1234 who reigned to the end of the fift Trumpet. 16 Saleh fil: with his brothers 1259.
3. The Sultany of Maredin Mirdin or Marde another city of Mesopotamia seated also upon Tigris Northwest of Mosul. Its Sultans were 1 Ortoc who was contemporary to Olub-Arslan, Melechsah & Barkiaruc. 2 Gazi fil. 3 Tamartash fil: who began his reign A.C. 1122. 4 Nojmoddin fil: 1152. 5 Gazi fil. 6 Cotboddin fil. 7 Hosamoddin fil: who began 1184. 8 Kotboddin frat: 1200. * 9 Pater Modhafferi anonymus. 10 Modhaffer who began A.C. 1260.
4 The Sultany of Miyapharekin (Magaerkin or Martyropolis) a city of the greater Armenia upon the borders of Mesopotamia seated about two days journey north or northwest of Ameda on the other side Tigris. What Sultans it had before the year 1121 I find not, but then it came into the hands of Gazi Sultan of Maredin, & the next year he dying, his sons Solyman & Tamartash inherited the one Miyapharekin the other Maredin. Afterwards Maredin & Miyapharekin were united again under one Sultan, & I know not whither they continued so till Saladin A.C 1182 invaded Mesopotamia, who amongst his other victories took Miyapharekin with the adjacent regions, & after his death it had sultans of his kindred 1 Adel frat 1193 who soon after extended his dominion into the territories first of Damascus & then of Egypt & set his son Nojmoddin over Miyapharekin, presiding himself at Damascus. After Nojmoddin succeeded Modhaffer his brother A.C. 1218 & then Ashraph the son of Modhaffer who reigned to the end of the fift Trumpet.
5 The Sultany of Syria seated at Damascus & Aleppo. Its first absolute Sultan was Tajuddaulas Tatash the son of Olub-Arslan who first obteined Damascus A.C. 1079 & then Aleppo with all Syria A.C. 1085. After his death A.C. 1095 Syria became divided between his sons Decac & Roduan[9] the first residing at Damascus the other at Aleppo & in this divided state it continued till the year 1154 when Nuroddin united it again under himself, inlarging his dominion into Egypt also. After his death Saladin out of Egypt obteined it & A.C. 1193 left it again divided between his sons Aphdal (or Saphadin) at Damascus & Dhaher Gazi at Aleppo. But within three years his Brother Adel out of Mesopotamia as was said took Damascus from Aphdal, & soon after Egypt also. And in his posterity Ægypt with the Sultany of Damascus continued, sometimes united under one Sultan, sometimes divided till the Mamalukes d[10] A.C. 1250 & continued Sultan of that & Aleppo together till the beginning of the sixt seal.
6 The Sultany of Asia seated at Iconium. Its Sultans were 1 Cutlumish of the race of Saljuk. 2 Solyman fil. 3 Kelui-Arslan (or Tanisman) fil: who began his reign A.C. 1100. 4 Masud fil. 1106. 5 Kelij-Arslan (or Clisasthan) fil: with his brothers 1152 6 Cai-Chosroes fil: with his brothers 1192. 7 Ezzoddin fil. 8 Aladin frat: 1219. 9 Giyathoddin (or Iathatin) fil 1237. 10 Ezzoddin fil: 1244, together with his brothers Rocnoddin & Aladin who reigned till the beginning of the sixt trumpet.
Besides these & the Sultanies of Egypt & Chorasan (which I reccon not here as well by reason of their distance from Euphrates as because they ceased in the time of the fift Trumpet) there were sometimes other sultanies split out of these; But those were but of small extent, bearing perhaps that proportion to these which the European Dukedomes & Principalities do to kingdoms. And if any of them were at any time greater yet they were but of short continuance & extinct before the end of the fift Trumpet, & therefore deserve not to be here remembred unless with reference to the forementioned cardinall sultanies out of which they were derived & into which they returned again.
Yea & of the Sultanies here described, two make nothing to our purpose; the Sultany of Bagdad becaus it ceased long before the end of the fift Trumpet & while it lasted was coincident with the Chalifate; & the Sultany of Maredin becaus of its distance from Euphrates, for when Saladin invaded Mesopotamia (viz A.C. 1182) he took Roha, Harran, Nisibis, Senjar, Ameda & Miyapharekin with their ditions, that is almost all the regions round Maredin on that side towards Euphrates, proceeding to besiege even Maredin it self, as did also after him his brother Adel oftner then once: And these regions his & his brother's posterity inherited to the end of the fift Trumpet, except that the Sultan of Mausel towards the end obteined Senjar with the neighbouring regions within which I suppose was Nisibis also.
These two Sultanies therefore being rejected, there remaine for the four angels the Sultanies of Asia, Syria, Mosul & Miyapharekin.
The Sultany of Asia was watered by Melec a large arm of Euphrates passing through the middle of it & not only so but bordered upon the main channel especially towards the end of the fift seal, for then & for 60 years before it comprehended the d[11]Province of Malatia which lay upon that river, & at the very time of loosing A.C. 1260 e[12] Pharagius expresses that it extended to the confines of Armenia major.
The Sultany of Syria was not only always adjacent to the river but at the time of loosing extended a good way into Mesopotamia
The Sultany of Mosul was watered by the river Alchabur (or Harnas) a large arm of Euphrates & bordered also upon Euphrates it self: for Mosul though seated upon Tigris, yet was distant not above one or two days journey from the other river. other river: or rather it was seated upon the common channel of Tigrim & Euphrates after their concours. ffor the river Naharomalca or Basilius with its two branches which run through Babylonia into Tigris, the higher at Seleucia, the lower at Aræ Herculis a[13]were but artificial channels of Euphrates cut by the Persian & Roman Emperors', & therefore the main channel must run into Tigris higher. The division of Tigris into the two streames which run the one by Susa the other by Seleucia & aræ Herculis into the Persian Sea Pliny (Hist. l 6, c 27) puts at Apamia a town of Moesene 125 miles above Seleucia & Geogr. Nub (part 6, clim 4) at Tacrit a town two little days journey (that is about 40. miles) below Mosul: & Philostorgius (l 3, c 7, 8) informs us that it receives Eufrates before this division & then becoming very rapid by the access of so much water, is thence called Tigris fera. So Procopius (lib. 1 de Bel. Pers.) Tigris urbem Amidam; - Eufrates Samosata, Hierapolim omniaque circa loca præterfluit usque ad Assyrios ubi ambo simul confusi in unum Tigridis nomen exeunt. Herodotus (in Clio n. 193) &c Herodotus (in Clio n 193) further informs us that a streame of Euphrates went into Tigris there where Nineve was seated or rather above it, Ἐσέχει δὲ ἐς ἄλλον ποταμὸν ἐκ του Ἐυφρήτεω ἐς τὸν Τίγριν, περ ὃκ Νινος πόλις ὀικέαται. Exit autem ex Euphrate in Tigrim alterum flumen, ad quod urbs Ninus sita erat. And Diodorus Siculus (Antiqu. l 2) saith that Nineve was built upon Euphrates, meaning I suppose this concours of both rivers, & adds (I guess out of Ctesias) that when the Medes besieged Sardanapalus in Nineve, Euphrates swelling overflowed a part of the City & threw down the wall for the space of 20 furlongs; whereupon Sardanapalus fell into desperation becaus of an old prophesy that Nineve should not be taken till the river became its enemy: which history is much confirmed by the qualities of Euphrates; for Dion (in Trajano ) saith that it lay higher then Tigris, Strabo (lib 16. Geogr) that it was much more apt to overflow then Tigris & Arrianus (Expedit. Alexandri l 7) that in winter it keeps within its banks but in spring & sommer swells & overflows the fields of Assyria Ⓧ Ⓧ & Herodotus in Clio ) that Assyria having but little rain was made fruitful by the overflow of Euphrates as Egypt by Nilus & that this river anciently running in a streight line through the city (I think he means Nineve,) Nitocris the mother of Labyritus or Darius Medus, to mitigate its rapidness turned it into a crooked channel so as to make it flow thrice through Arderica a certain town of Assyria. Mosul therefore with Assyria is seated {&c} Mosul therefore is seated as well upon Euphrates as Tigris b [14] for it is seated opposite to the ruins of Nineve, a bridge only intercepting them.
🅇 🅇 Miyapharekin was indeed something further from Euphrates, namely 126 Italian miles from that streame of it which divides the two Armenias, & is by Strabo & Pliny called Pixirates. But there is another streame of this river which take its rise from the a same fountains with Tigris or b others very neare them c which soon meet & run together first through the Lake Arethusa, Arsissa or Arsacis, & then d under the Mountain Taurus, & afterwards through meadows & the lake Thospites & then parting e they flow so neare one another for some space that upon swelling they mingle waters for about 4 miles yet so that those of Euphrates flote above those of Tigris. After this they divide & flow contrary ways & encompas Mesopotamia parting it from Armenia. This streame of Euphrates is in Geogr. Nub. clim 5. part 5. said to be a great river & to meet with the other streame Pixirates at Somasat. Sometimes its calld by other names, (as Arsanias, Arsamotes, Annes, Araxes but b Procopius a Salustus (apud Isidorum Hispalensem) . e Lucan a Boetius d & Cl. Marius Victor call it Euphrates, & the learned & judicious author of the book intitled A discours of the Terrestrial Paradise proves it be that very Euphrates of Moses which flowed out of Paradise. Now to this channel of Euphrates Miyapharekin was very neare being seated upon the river Nymphæus which flows into Tigris at a place where Tigris having coursed under ground for some way breaks out again which place is about 25 miles from the Lake Thospites (Plin l 6. c 27) & two days journey or a degree southward or southeast from this city, for the city Almeda is seated by the eruption of Tigris opposite to the mouth of nymphius (Ammian l 18) & two days journey from Miyapharekin in the way from Miyafarekin to Mosul. (Geogr. Nub. part 6 .) Whence Miyapharekin could not be above a days journey from the common stream of Tigris & Euphrates. ffor it was seated between that stream & the river Nymphæus at a little distance from Nymphæus as is to be learnt out of Procopius De Bello Persico lib 1.
Nor was this Sultany seated only upon this part of Euphrates, but (so far as I can learn) extended also to that other stream which parts the two Armenias. ffor it was founded -
Hæc in margine. b Mons non valde præruptus in Armenijs est a Theodosia civitate 42 stadia distans, ad boream pertinens, unde duo exeunt fontes totidem flumina constituentes, Euphratem dextrorsus Tigrim verò sinistrorsus Procop de Bello Pers. l 1. a Salustius autem author certissimus asserit Tigrim et Euphratem uno fonte manare in Armenia qui per diversa euntes longius dividuntur spatio medio derelicto multorum millium, quæ tamen terra quæ ab ipsis ambitur Mesopotamia dicitur. Isidorus Hispalensis Orig l 13. c 21.
a Tigris et Euphrates uno se fonte resolvunt
Et mox abjunctis dissociantur aquis Boetius De cons. Philos l 5.
c Tam vicinum Arsaniæ (i.e. Euphrati) fluere eum (sc. Tigrim) in regione. Arrhene Claudius Cæsar Author est, ut cum intumuere confluant nec tamen misceantur, leviorque Arseniæs innatat 4 Mill. ferè spatio, mox divisus in Eufratem mergitur. Plin l 6. c 27. Whence Lucan
c Quaque caput rapido tollit cum Tigride magnus
Euphrates, quos non diversis fontibus edit
*[16]Persis; et incertum tellus si misceat amnes
Quòd potiùs sit nomen aquis. Lucan Pharsal. l 3.
c Tigris fluvius est Armeniæ defluens in Araxem simul et Arsacidem paludem. Plutarch lib. De fluvijs.
d Tertius hinc rapido percurrens gurgite Tigris.
It comes Euphrati, juncta quos mole ruentes
Tellus victa cavo sorbet patefacta barathro
Donec in Armenia slatus ac Medica Tempe
Quos non sustinuit, nec jam capit, evomit amnes. Cl. Marius Victor Genes. lib. 1.
Miyapharekin was indeed something further from Euphrates, namely about 5 days journey g[17]or 126 Italian miles [but yet it was nearer to it then Maredin by two days journey or more, & in all probability it extended its jurisdiction to Euphrates] ffor it was founded by the conquests of Saladin which extended from Euphrates to this City. On the north it was guirded by the kingdom of Armenia which towards the end of the 5t Trumpet k[18] was pretty potent, & on the South East by the Sultany of Maredin, & therefore it must have been of large extent towards the other quarters becaus a powerful Sultany as may be collected from the defiance which its Sultan (as Pharagius informs us) bad to the Tartars even when they had newly sacked Bagdad. It lay partly between Maredin & the lesser Asia, for it comprehended the a [19] territories of Ameda & bordered also as in the reign of Saladin & his successor Adel, so now upon the Syrian Sultany, as may appear from hence that its b [20] Sultan Ashraph after the sacking of Bagdad went in person into Syria to consult with Naser the Sultan thereof about their common safety & mutuall aid whereby they might keep the Tattars out of Syria, that is out of Syria Osroene a Province on the east of Euphrates comprehending among other cities Edessa Carrhæ & Nicephorium: some part of which therefore belonged to Ashraf. And if it extended to the Syrian Sultany, much more should it extend to that of Asia which lay over against it on the other side the river, for I read not of any other Sultany between them. There was indeed once a Principality at Chelatum or Seltia in Armenia which might take up some part of the river, but this c [21] Nojmoddin the Sultan of Miyapharekin took from the Armenians, & though it c [22] fell afterward into the hands of the Sultan of Asia for a little while yet it's most probable that when they lost it, they lost it again to the Sultan of Miyapharekin.
These four Sultanies therefore were all seated upon Euphrates, & so fitly answer to the 4 angels bound in that river. But there is another character of them which notably confirms this interpretation for by the fourth condition of this Trumpet their seat or head cities were to resemble the square position of the four horns of the Altar. And how nearly they resemble it you may see in this map delineated out of Ptolome, & the Nubian Geography & the Geographical collections in the above mentioned Discourse of the Terrestrial Paradise: where note that I reccon Damascus rather then Aleppo the head city of Syria becaus it had been so in former ages, & the Sultan at the time of loosing the angels, resided there.
< insertion from f 17v >Ex Geogr. Nubiensi.
A Mosul ad Senjar 57 mil. pass.
A Mosul ad Nisibin 105 m. p.
Inde ad Amedam 78. m. p.
Inde ad Miyapharekin 2 stati
ones vel 1 grad circiter.
Ab Ameda ad Samosat 3 st
magni scil. vel 2 grad circiter.
A Malatia ad Alhamam bore
eam versus 12 mil pass
Ab Alhama ad Miyaphariken 126 mp.
Ab Amed ad Raccam 212 mp.
A Roka ad Roccan 54 mp.
5. Supposing therefore that these Tetrarchies are the four Angels & that by their being bound in Eufrates is meant their residence upon that river; the loosing of them since it stands in opposition to binding must be interpreted their loosing from those seats. And this happened at the invasion of the Tattars, the history of which is as follows.
In the year 1203 the supreme Empire of the Tattars (a name not heard of before this time) was founded by Jingiz Chan, by whome among other eastern & northern regions Chorasan was subdued, & by his successors the Kingdom of Armenia much afflicted, & the sultany of Iconium also (A.C. 1243) but not ruined. At length Mangaca Chan the 4th Emperor of the Tattars being converted to Christianity by means of Ayton King of Armenia, sent his brother Hulacu (or Halaon) with a great army to invade the Turks & root out their religion. Hulacu therefore advancing from the east, after he had stayed some time in Persia & subdued it, came to Bagdad Ian 22, 1258 & in a day & a night compassed the city with a wall & a ditch & took it the 10th of February following his soldiers continuing to spoile kill & make captives for seven days together, at the end of which time the Chalifa was also put to death & so the Chalifate dissolved. This according to what we explained above must be referred to the fift Trumpet as the end thereof; & now begins the sixt Trumpet with the loosing of the four angels, as follows
In the same yeare Ashraf the Sultan of Miyafarekin went into Syria to Naser Sultan thereof to desire aid of him whereby the Tattars might be kept out of Syria, but Naser not hearkning to him he returned in anger, & when he came again to Miyafarekin ejected the Prefects of the Tattars, & crucified a certain Priest sent to him with commands from the great Chan. Whereupon Hulacu sent his son Yashmut with part of his army to besiege Miyafarekin, who in a day & a night compassed it with a wall & deep ditch, & began to assault it, but after some sharp conflicts finding they could not take it by force, they determined to keep it shut up till it should be worn out by famin.
The next year A.C. 1259 Hulacu cited the Sultans of Syria & Asia to come to him & submit themselves, which Ezzodin the Sultan of Asia with his brother Rucnoddin did but Naser the sultan of Syria refused. Wherefore he sent back the Asian Sultans honourably & confirmed them in their dominions but invaded Syria A.C. 1260 with an Army of four hundred thousand, taking first a[24] Harran & c[25]Roha with the adjacent regions on the east of Eufrates which belonged to the Syrian Sultany, & then passing the River, whilst his Captains invaded the other cities of this Sultany (Emessa, Hama, Moarra &c) he himself besieged Aleppo & within b[26] nine days took it by storm, a greater number of people being slain there then at Bagdad. In the mean while, Naser who with his Court resided at Damascus, hearing of the progress of the Tattars, fled with his family into the Desert Carac & Shaubac, & the Nobles of Damascus so soon as the Tattars approached the City delivered it to them.
Not long after Hulacu being about to return into the eastern regions, the other army came to him from the siege of Miyapharekin, bringing with them Ashraf the Sultan thereof & relating how they had slain all that were in the city, there being but few of them whom the famin had not destroyed before, becaus otherwise the army of the Tattars would not have sufficed to take the city. Ashraf was then also slain by the command of Hulacu.
About the same time Hulacu so soon as he came neare Maredin cited the Sultan thereof to appear before him, but he refusing, the Tattars besieged that city also. But the Sultan dying suddenly his son Modhaffer presently yeilded the city to Hulacu: wherupon Hulacu treated him honourably & restored the city to him with the rest of his fathers dominions.
Whilst Hulacu besieged Maredin, Naser with his family was taken & slain , & the next year A.C. 1261 Saleh the Sultan of Mosul combining with the Egyptians against the Tattars, was invaded also by them under the leading of Samdago one of Hulacu's Captains, & Mosul besieged & taken, the soldiers continuing for eight days together to spoile kill & captivate. And amongst the rest Saleh was taken & by Hulacu commanded to be slain.
The same yeare the Tattars, I know not upon what occasion, invaded Asia also & easily subdued it[27] taking the Imperial cities Iconium & Cæsarea & forceing the sultan Ezzoddin (or Azatines) with one of his brothers to fly to Michael Palæologus the Greek Emperour, where being confined they were set at liberty by an incursion of the Scythians from beyond the Danube: Ezzoddin died soon after he had passed beyond the Danube with them, but his brother escaped into Asia & was received for a while by the Satrapæ of the Turkish reliques as their Sultan.
<21r>Thus were the Sultanies of Miyapharekin, Mosul, Syria & Asia, all at once in the yeares 1260 & 1261, as it were at a watch word given, dissolved: & from that time the Turks out of these Sultanies flying every where from the violence of the Tattars flocked into the more western parts of Asia: the reliques of them also within 30 years after, (viz A.C. 1289) being universally ejected hither out of the new Tattarian Empire. In the mean while to obtein new seats their severall Princes or heads of families under whose conduct they fled hither made war upon the Romans, every one gaining what he could for himself. Turci autem, saith Nicephorus,[28] Satrapis illis variè divisi cùm a Scythis pellerentur Romanos pellebant: & quàm infirmi erant adversus Scythas tam fortes contra Romanos extiterunt: ut Scytharum incursio non calamitatis causa sed summa felicitatis occasio illis esset. Nam et e Paphlagonia & e Pamphylia irruebant Romanasque Provincias populabantur. Tandem etiam ad bella & assiduas dimicationes ventum: e quibus unum prælium Romanos in omnia mala conjecit. This fight was before the reign of Pope Iohn 20 & Bzovius in his annals refers it to the year 1276.
Vntill the afforesaid dissolution of the four Turkish Euphratean Sultanies,[29]the Greeks had constantly possessed Asia strictly so called, Paphlagonia, Bythinia, Phrygia magna, Phrygia Pacatiana Caria & part of Cilicia. And the rest of the Asian Provinces to Euphrates namely Lycaonia, Galatia, Pamphylia, Armenia, Hellenopontus, Pisidia & Lycia belonged to the Sultany of Iconium. But from that time, & chiefly after the battel newly mentioned (which happened about the year ) the the Turkish Princes spreading by degrees into the Greek Provinces, Mantachia subdued the city Ephesus & the Province Caria; Atin conquered Lydia as far as Smyrna: Sarchan all Magnesia to Pergamus together with the Province of the Magedi: Carmian all Phrygia: Carasses the other Phrygia between Hellespont & the city Asso; & Othman all Bythinia with part of Paphlagonia: the last of which growing more powerfull then the rest, at lengty (A.C. 1299) took upon him the dignity & title of Sultan, & by degrees became the universal Monarch of the Turks the rest of their Princes uniting under him: whereby being rendred more powerful they prevailed still more upon the Greeks & soon after invaded Europe, not ceasing to propagate their victories till at length they overthrew the Constantinopolitan Empire & on its ruins founded a greater of their own.
Thus you see the four Angels were all at once in the very beginning of the sixt Trumpet loosed from their Euphratean seats & forced upon the Christians to make war upon them & thereby erect that great Empire which reigns at present & is the plague of Apostate Christendome prefigured in this Trumpet.
Analogous to the loosing of these Angels is the drying up of the waters of Euphrates in the sixt Vial. For these two actions must correspond because the beginnings of this Trumpet & Vial which are contemporary. Now by the waters of this river we are to understand the people situate upon it by Def that is, the Turkish Sultanies. And by the pouring a Vial upon this River the inflicting of some great calamity upon that people: such as was the Tattarian invasion. And by the consequent drying up the waters thereof the wasting of the power & dominion of that people by Def that is, the dissolution of the Turkish Sultanies by that invasion. And consequently by the a[30]Kings or Princes from the East whose way was prepared by the drying up these waters we must understand the chief leaders of the great army of horsmen which upon the loosing of the four angels came from Euphrates to execute the plague of this Trumpet that is the Princes under whose conduct the Turks fled from the Tattars into Asia to invade the Christians. ffor these were the Princes or Kings from the East whose way was prepared by the dissolution of the Euphratean Sultanies. And of these there are recconned by historians seven eminent ones a little before they united under Othoman, besides others of inferior note which first united under those. Thus much concerning the originall of this great Empire. Proceed we now to the rest of its circumstances.
7. And the next is the numerousness of the Turkish Armies. But how great this hath been since their loosing & still is, is better known then that I need stay to compute it. I shall rather observe that since these horsmen as well as the Locusts were to be so exceeding numerous, we may thence collect that they were to be the Armies of two very great empires & consequently of none other then the Saracenical & Turkish the only two great ones by which the christian world has been hitherto afflicted.
In both these armies there is mention made only of horsmen, but we are not to conclude thence that the armies should consist of horsmen only, but rather that the description is taken from the nobler part & that part wherein they should notably excell. Yea the foot are included in the Hors, being represented by their tailes. For the taile of a Hors according to ancient Interpreters[31] signifies the train of his rider, & the train of an Army is the Foot. Hence it is that in this Trumpet the tailes are said to have heads, & to do hurt, that is to fight as well as the riders of the Horses: which is a plain intimation that they signify men as well as the riders.
8 The description of the armour of these horsmen (that they had breastplates of fire & jacinth & brimstone &c) is very singular, there being no where els in the whole scriptures such a description of armour to be met with. What therefore can be here intended but the new way of fighting not known in the world before the beginning of this Trumpet? I mean
[1] * sc. Persico
[2] Lib. Iuchasin.
[3] Lib. פ חמי
[4] a Zosimus lib. 1 dicit Alexandrum ex familia Severi pregnatum.
[5] a Vide Caspar. Waserum de Antiqu. mensur. l. 2. c. 3.
[6] a See the Catalogue of Emperors in Onuphrius, lib. 1 Romanorum Principum.
[7] Euseb. Chron. & Eutrop. lib. 9.
[8] b Hispania duodecim annis ferè sub Barbaris laboravit regnante Gallieno. Oros. l. 7. c. 41.
[9] Successores Decaci, Roduani & Adsli vide apud Pharagium, Guilielmum Tyrium, & Sanutum.
[10] d. Pharajius pag 325. Vincentius in Speculo Historiale lib 31 cap {illeg}
[11] d. Pharagius pag: 314, 317, 321, 332, & 333.
[12] e pag: 347.
[13] a Ammianus lib 24. Plin. Nat. hist. l 6, c 26. Greg. Nazianzen. Orat. 2 in Iulian.
[14] b Benjamin in Itinerario pag 62 edit. Elzevir. & Geogr. Nub. part 6, clim 4.
[15] f. Benjamin in Itinerario pag 62. Edit. Elzevir & Geogr. Nub. part. 6, clim 4.
[16] * Sic vocabant totum regnum Persicum seu Parthicum, sub quo tunc continebatur Armenia.
[17] g Geogr. Nubiensis clim: 5, Part: 5.
[18] k. Heroldi continuatio belli sacri.
[19] a Pharagius p 333
[20] b Pharag. pag 345
[21] c Pharagius pag 279 & 283.
[22] c Pharagius pag 279 & 283.
[23] d Geogr. Nub. Clim 5. part 5.
[24] a. Carrhæ.
[25] c. Edessa.
[26] b Aython Armenus cap 28. Pharagius dicit intra paucos dies
[27] Niceph: lib 4. cap 5. Sanuti secreta crucis lib 3. part 13. cap 7. Sanutus refert hanc Asiæ invasionem ad an 1259, sed Nicephorus meliùs ad annum post invasionem Syriæ.
[28] Niceph. lib 7.
[29] Ducæ Hist. Byzantin.
[30] NB. Βασιλεις Reges, apud Græcos tantum pro Monarchis præpotentibus quales nos jam reges dicimus: usurpabatur, sed inferioris etiam generis Principes significabat ut apud {Homsmum} uno loco ridere et sic et {בילך} significationis vox Hebræa, in Sacris literis pro Principibus, Ducibus & singularum ferè urbium Dominis usurpatur, ut e regibus triginta et uno quos Ioshua in exiguo illo terræ sanctæ circuitu superavit, (Iosh 12,) & quinque Regibus Midian a Mose cæsis Num. 31.8, qui in Iosh: 13.21 Principes Midian & Duces Sehon vocantur, manifestum est.
[31] Apomasar cap 152.
